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Presidential War Power

di Louis Fisher

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Overview: In this new edition of a classic and bestselling work, Louis Fisher, one of our top Constitutional scholars, updates his arguments throughout, critiques the presidential actions of William Clinton and George W. Bush, and challenges their expansion of executive power. Spanning the life of the Republic from the Revolutionary Era to the nation's post-9/11 wars, the new edition covers: New military initiatives including the Use of Force Act, the Iraq Resolution of 2002, George W. Bush's "preemption doctrine," and his order authorizing military tribunals President Clinton's overt and covert military actions in Bosnia and against Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Osama bin Laden; George H. W. Bush's reasons for not pushing on to Baghdad to overthrow Saddham Hussein after Desert Storm.; Numerous Congressional initiatives, including a 1995 effort to amend the War Powers Resolution and a proposed 1998 amendment to use the power of the purse to limit presidential military initiatives; The 1998 CIA "whistle-blowing" statute; New sections on the Vandenberg Resolution of 1948, the "Little Sarah" incident of 1793, and early apparent precedents that did not make the President the "sole organ" of foreign affairs; New material on letters of marque and reprisal, the law of nations, presidential "fame," and the contributions of Joseph Story.… (altro)
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This book about Presidential War Power is by a man who at the time of writing was a "Senior Specialist in Separations of Powers at the Congressional Service, Library of Congress." The book was assigned reading for a political science course on the American Presidency taken in college. The book is dedicated: To the republican principle that reserves war-making to the legislature. The founders believed that it was the executive that was most prone to go to war, and so deliberately vested that power in Congress--not the presidency. As Fisher relates, the powers as "Commander-in-Chief" only implies the president has the "duty to repel sudden attacks" as an emergency measure and was designed to be limited in scope.

Fisher gives us an overview of how the war-making powers were increasingly encroached upon by presidents, often aided and abetted by overreaching Supreme Courts. There are some exceptions--Fisher mentions about how President Cleveland actually resisted a bellicose Congress who wanted to declare war against Spain contrary to his wished, and Fisher praises President Eisenhower for the way he consulted and sought the approval of Congress for military actions (although his record in covert actions was different). All in all, ever since President Truman and the Korean War, presidents have gone well beyond what the Congress authorized and have tried to push their powers beyond constitutional limits. Fisher makes several proposals to curb the abuses.

And Fisher is still around. I found this article arguing against giving Obama too much scope in Syria. ( )
  LisaMaria_C | Sep 14, 2013 |
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Overview: In this new edition of a classic and bestselling work, Louis Fisher, one of our top Constitutional scholars, updates his arguments throughout, critiques the presidential actions of William Clinton and George W. Bush, and challenges their expansion of executive power. Spanning the life of the Republic from the Revolutionary Era to the nation's post-9/11 wars, the new edition covers: New military initiatives including the Use of Force Act, the Iraq Resolution of 2002, George W. Bush's "preemption doctrine," and his order authorizing military tribunals President Clinton's overt and covert military actions in Bosnia and against Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Osama bin Laden; George H. W. Bush's reasons for not pushing on to Baghdad to overthrow Saddham Hussein after Desert Storm.; Numerous Congressional initiatives, including a 1995 effort to amend the War Powers Resolution and a proposed 1998 amendment to use the power of the purse to limit presidential military initiatives; The 1998 CIA "whistle-blowing" statute; New sections on the Vandenberg Resolution of 1948, the "Little Sarah" incident of 1793, and early apparent precedents that did not make the President the "sole organ" of foreign affairs; New material on letters of marque and reprisal, the law of nations, presidential "fame," and the contributions of Joseph Story.

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