Thanks to common presentation of American history, those born after the volatile 1960s see Blacks historically as docile slaves, hanging from trees at the turn of the 20th Century, or being bitten by dogs or sprayed with fire hoses. In short, helpless victims; only through virtue of government was segregation broken and voting rights granted. Unfortunately, this picture of subservience buries yet another aspect of Black history: self-sufficiency through the exercise of our Second Amendment right.

Professor Johnson has put together a seemingly exhaustive compendium of written records attesting to the crucial role fire arms played in racially unjust times. For much of the South, the government was imposing unconstitutional restrictions and local law enforcement was complicit in illegal activity ranging from harassment to murder. This fact alone should solidify any claims that, reliance on government protection supports progressive ideas that guns are not needed.

Beginning with what records there are of slaves and freemen using guns for self preservation, Johnson amasses stories to lay the foundation of a history of Black self defense. Myriad of isolated incidences are brought together in Negroes and the Gun to weave an undeniable argument for individuals' rights to bear arms.

The stories continue into Reconstruction and the fact that guns maintained some political franchise is justified by the accounts where guns were used to minimize firebombings and personal violence. Soon localities, where Democrats regained political power, instituted laws preventing Blacks from possessing the one tool which "leveled the playing field," to borrow a modern cliche of fairness and power balance.

One theme that becomes evident, as the book enters the 20th Century, is households were known for having piles of guns resting in every corner of homes. Popular accounts lament the firebombings of Black homes by whites, but these were often less effective than hoped due to homeowners emerging with guns a blazing. Two lessons were learned from several accounts revealed by Prof. Johnson. First, many Blacks were not helpless victims, losing homes and property without a fight; as well, the costs of potential losses are unknown because of the gun. Second, numerous accounts show injured white terrorists fled scenes to other states in order to hide the fact Black home defenders counted coup.

As the 20th Century advanced, so did the argument over Blacks using guns. As the NAACP rose in prominence, so did the concern over political violence as compared to self defense. This theme is carried and explored throughout the book. It is the '60s and '70s when old school self-defense advocates, faith-based civil rights activists, and extreme left-wing "Black Power" freedom fighters began an internecine conflict that led to gun control populism. Previously, gun control did not seem to be a popular stance in America's consciousness; it was, however, racially based desires of local law enforcement, arguably because Blacks so often successfully defended home, family, and property.

It is with this shift in national politics that Professor Johnson concludes his book with an argument against gun control. No longer are claims of supply side gun control aimed at only Blacks, national politicians and special interest want race-neutral gun control.

In attorney fashion, Professor Johnson concludes many vignettes offered in his book of self-defense with open-ended questions about the virtue or lack thereof, allowing the reader to decide for him or herself. However, it is clear, as if defending a client, where the law professor stands: pro-gun owning and using for legitimate self-defense. He goes to great lengths to stress the difference between responsible use in self-defense and untenable use to perpetrate political violence. He is for the former and cautions against the latter.

In the final chapter, he continues his defense of guns with discussing contemporary arguments against personal ownership and use of fire arms. From start to finish, the role of guns in attaining civil rights cannot be denied, but first it needs to be known. The gun-toting Negro protecting self and home has been whitewashed from history in favor of pacifistic marchers. In my estimation, illustrating Blacks as helpless slaves, being freed by Northern whites with guns or enduring fire hoses until portly white Sheriffs grew tired of oppressing them, removes an important aspect of self-reliance for an entire race.

There is an interesting aspect that Professor Johnson touches on, but diverges from the main aspect of his book. What he talks about is the nearly blind eye or tacit acceptance by society of black-on-black crime, such as "gangsta" turf wars or the political violence of groups like The Black Panthers. This is sad when, in his book, he recounts hundreds of stories of responsible gun use to thwart white violence with the goal of oppression. Civil War and World War vets used and organized communities to stand up to Klan intimidation. Upstanding Black citizens, like store owners and doctors, took up arms only for self-defense. Exemplifying the notion of "peace through strength," merely making it known a potential Black victim was carrying was enough to prevent an assault or murder. Yet these brave Americans have been locked in a gun cabinet and kept out of minds of society by those wanting to take away our Second Amendment right. ( )