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Winner, 2014 Lambda Literary Award in LGBT Studies Since the 1970s, a key goal of lesbian and gay activists has been protection against street violence, especially in gay neighborhoods. During the same time, policymakers and private developers declared the containment of urban violence to be a top priority. In this important book, Christina B. Hanhardt examines how LGBT calls for "safe space" have been shaped by broader public safety initiatives that have sought solutions in policing and privatization and have had devastating effects along race and class lines. Drawing on extensive archival and ethnographic research in New York City and San Francisco, Hanhardt traces the entwined histories of LGBT activism, urban development, and U.S. policy in relation to poverty and crime over the past fifty years. She highlights the formation of a mainstream LGBT movement, as well as the very different trajectories followed by radical LGBT and queer grassroots organizations. Placing LGBT activism in the context of shifting liberal and neoliberal policies, Safe Space is a groundbreaking exploration of the contradictory legacies of the LGBT struggle for safety in the city.… (altro)
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Where the gays are
Safe Space: Gay Neighborhood History and the Politics of Nonviolence by Christna B. Hanhardt (Duke University Press, $25.95)
In an interesting turnaround of received wisdom, Christina Hanhardt, a professor at the University of Maryland, posits that rather than offering safety for gays and lesbians fleeing discrimination and violence in the ‘burbs and hamlets, so-called “gay ghettos” or “gayborhoods” actually make violence against gays easier to enact. In one sense, by providing a community for connection, these perceived “safe spaces” made possible the gay rights movement, but at the same time by clustering gay people in one place, they also increased the likelihood of anti-gay violence.
That makes sense.
What’s next, though, is a thorough analysis of the ways in which these perceived “safe spaces” have changed over the years, including the gay gentrification of parts of San Francisco and New York (and, from experience, Des Moines—back in the day, we called the what was then-rundown and in the process of being gentrified Sherman Hill neighborhood “homo heights.” It’s now a very desirable address—for people with money).
Hanhardt also tackles issues of racism, classism and gender-policing, especially in Greenwich Village’s “Take Back Our Streets” movement in the early 2000s. While the point, in the Guiliani years, was to go after quality-of-life problems like noise and loitering, in fact most of the “problem” that residents wanted addressed was the influx of black and Latino gay youth to the area around the piers on Hudson River (they’d already been chased out of Washington Park by a police crackdown).
Hanhardt is clear about how gays are not a monolithic group, and that what was, in this instance, perceived as anti-gay by some was actually more about race, class and gender presentation—and was actually supported by some white gays in the neighborhood.
This is a deep and intriguing study of what neighborhood and safety have meant—and seemed to mean—to different facets of the gay community at different times in its development in the period following WWII. The tensions within the community and between white gays and other minority groups (remember blaming Prop. 8 on the black vote? Totally not true, but harmful, nonetheless). Hanhardt does focus extensively on San Francisco and New York, but then, those are the cities with the largest—and most active—gay populations. While obviously written for an academic audience, Safe Space will be accessible to most readers, and offers some insights into ways that gay spaces may not have been quite what we thought they were.
Dati dalle informazioni generali inglesi.Modifica per tradurlo nella tua lingua.
Every great city has a dumping ground, a plot of land it allocates to the people it will not tolerate anywhere else. The Central City performs this function for the city of San Francisco. Into the target area have been moved all the people and problems our society, at some time in the past, decided it would ignore: the older person, the homosexual, the alcoholic, the dope user, the black (and just about every other minority group), the immigrant, the uneducated, the dislocated alienate youth, -Tom Ramsey
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Incipit
Dati dalle informazioni generali inglesi.Modifica per tradurlo nella tua lingua.
On May 6, residents, business owners, and politicians staged an anticrime rally called "Take Back Our Streets" in Christopher Park, in New York City's Greenwich Village. The location chosen was symbolic; the park is located at what had been the center of the uprising at the Stonewall Inn bar, the famed riots of June 1969 that have been central to many legacies of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) political organizing. Yet in recent years the memory of "Stonewall" (as the riots are now called) as a long overdue, passionate expression of selfhood often omits the facts that it was a collective challenge to the police and that it was just the latest clash in an ongoing struggle. -Introduction
The observation quoted in the epigraph was made by Tom Ramsey, a political organizer active in San Francisco's Western Addition neighborhood after he was asked in 1968 to assess the viability of San Francisco's downtown Central City area for mass community action. -Chapter 1, "The White Ghetto," Sexual Deviancy, Police Accountability, and the 1960s War on Poverty
Winner, 2014 Lambda Literary Award in LGBT Studies Since the 1970s, a key goal of lesbian and gay activists has been protection against street violence, especially in gay neighborhoods. During the same time, policymakers and private developers declared the containment of urban violence to be a top priority. In this important book, Christina B. Hanhardt examines how LGBT calls for "safe space" have been shaped by broader public safety initiatives that have sought solutions in policing and privatization and have had devastating effects along race and class lines. Drawing on extensive archival and ethnographic research in New York City and San Francisco, Hanhardt traces the entwined histories of LGBT activism, urban development, and U.S. policy in relation to poverty and crime over the past fifty years. She highlights the formation of a mainstream LGBT movement, as well as the very different trajectories followed by radical LGBT and queer grassroots organizations. Placing LGBT activism in the context of shifting liberal and neoliberal policies, Safe Space is a groundbreaking exploration of the contradictory legacies of the LGBT struggle for safety in the city.
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Safe Space: Gay Neighborhood History and the Politics of Nonviolence by Christna B. Hanhardt (Duke University Press, $25.95)
In an interesting turnaround of received wisdom, Christina Hanhardt, a professor at the University of Maryland, posits that rather than offering safety for gays and lesbians fleeing discrimination and violence in the ‘burbs and hamlets, so-called “gay ghettos” or “gayborhoods” actually make violence against gays easier to enact. In one sense, by providing a community for connection, these perceived “safe spaces” made possible the gay rights movement, but at the same time by clustering gay people in one place, they also increased the likelihood of anti-gay violence.
That makes sense.
What’s next, though, is a thorough analysis of the ways in which these perceived “safe spaces” have changed over the years, including the gay gentrification of parts of San Francisco and New York (and, from experience, Des Moines—back in the day, we called the what was then-rundown and in the process of being gentrified Sherman Hill neighborhood “homo heights.” It’s now a very desirable address—for people with money).
Hanhardt also tackles issues of racism, classism and gender-policing, especially in Greenwich Village’s “Take Back Our Streets” movement in the early 2000s. While the point, in the Guiliani years, was to go after quality-of-life problems like noise and loitering, in fact most of the “problem” that residents wanted addressed was the influx of black and Latino gay youth to the area around the piers on Hudson River (they’d already been chased out of Washington Park by a police crackdown).
Hanhardt is clear about how gays are not a monolithic group, and that what was, in this instance, perceived as anti-gay by some was actually more about race, class and gender presentation—and was actually supported by some white gays in the neighborhood.
This is a deep and intriguing study of what neighborhood and safety have meant—and seemed to mean—to different facets of the gay community at different times in its development in the period following WWII. The tensions within the community and between white gays and other minority groups (remember blaming Prop. 8 on the black vote? Totally not true, but harmful, nonetheless). Hanhardt does focus extensively on San Francisco and New York, but then, those are the cities with the largest—and most active—gay populations. While obviously written for an academic audience, Safe Space will be accessible to most readers, and offers some insights into ways that gay spaces may not have been quite what we thought they were.
(Published on Lit/Rant on 2/26/2014: http://litrant.tumblr.com/post/77900167224/where-the-gays-are-safe-space-gay-nei... (